HISTORY OF QUEENS COUNTY with illustrations, Portraits & Sketches of Prominent Families and Individuals. New York: W.W. Munsell & Co.; 1882. pp. 469-576. History of Queens County enter name and hit return
OYSTER BAY.
THE Indians who were the first known inhabitants of this town were of two tribes- the Matinecocks, who occupied the north part of the town, and the Marsapeagues, who occupied the south part. Their division line was the "middle of the island." The principal occupation of the males was hunting, fowling and fishing; the females practiced agriculture to some extent. Corn was the staple product, and the "old planting fields" mentioned in the early records are supposed to be fields previously’ cultivated by the Indians. The large piles of broken shells near the shores indicate another important occupation- the business of making Indian money. The generic name of this shell money, for which Long Island was so noted, is seawant. There were two kinds, viz. wampum, or white, which was made from the stem of the periwinkle shell; and suckanhock, or black, made from the heart of the hard clam shell. The black was rated much higher than the white. The arms used by the Indians previous to the coming of the Europeans were the bow, with its string of wild hemp or the sinew of a deer; the arrow, pointed with a sharp stone fastened by resin or with rawhide strings; the war club, the wooden spear and a square shield, which was worn upon the left arm. Their wigwams consisted of hickory saplings bent in the form of an arch and covered with bark. In the middle was the fire; a hole at the top permitted the egress of the smoke. They pounded their corn with stone pestles; their mortars were generally of wood, sometimes a hole in a large stone. The Indians ate their food from wooden bowls. Their knife was a sharpened shell, their axe a sharpened stone. There are a number of specimens of these axes preserved, and some of them show that their manufacturer had considerable taste in carving. The head of the axe has a deep crease on each side, to receive a handle, which is formed by the two parts of a stick, split at one end, being forced into these creases so that the ends project a little beyond the axe, and then firmly bound to their place by thongs of rawhide. The site of the village of Brookville is often mentioned as Susco’s Wigwam, and it is certain that most of the Matinecocks inhabiting the town resided at this place and Cedar Swamp. They also had a small village at Mosquito Cove. It is stated that Susconaman lived where Mrs. McKensie now resides. The principal settlement of the Marsapeague tribe was in this town at Fort Neck, which derived its name from the Indian fort at that place. The only battle of any consequence between the whites and Indians on Long Island was fought here with this tribe early in the year 1644, when their fort was taken and demolished by a force under Captain John Underhill, who afterward aided them and other Indians in negotiating a treaty with the whites, and was rewarded with land at Matinecock. After this the Indians when sober and well treated were peaceable, quiet and kind. The only trouble of which we have any intimation, except from "fire- water," was on account of the whites neglecting to pay them for their lands as agreed, and differences in boundary. The first was adjusted by paying them. In the second case the Indians also maintained their claim, which was adjusted by the settlers buying the land and paying for it. The first experiment mentioned in the town books for the prohibition of intemperance was tried on the Indians, and it is recorded as follows: "Dec. 13th 1660.- It is ordered that no person or persons whatsoever shall, doubly or individually, sell wine or strong liquor to the Indians, upon the forfeiture of five shillings for the first default and ten shillings for the second; and the third time to forfeit his right of meadow to the town." The Indians when selling their lands reserved their right of fowling and fishing. These rights were soon cast aside, and instead of being partial owners the natives became in many instances slaves to the purchasers. Their recognized rights dwindled to an old Indian woman coming to the farmers once a year and collecting what was called quit rent. Her coming long since ceased. They soon ceased to exist as communities here, but they have left their marks on the old deeds, and their remembrancers in the arrow- heads and axes which are occasionally brought to the surface by the plowshare. Of the few who have been inhabitants of the town during the last century one after another has passed away, until their only representative is an Indian girl living with a family in the south part of the town.JURISDICTION AND TITLE.
The first attempt at settlement of this town or its vicinity was the result of an agreement dated 17th April 1640, in which James Farret, as agent of the Earl of Stirling gave permission to Daniel Howe, Job Paine and others to purchase, lands and settle on Long Island "with as full and free liberty both in church order an civil government as the plantation of Massachusetts enjoyed." Clothed with this authority their leader, Daniel Howe, soon after made a purchase from the Indians of the island "which extended from the eastern part of Oyster Bay to the western part of a bay called, after him Howe’s bay, and to the middle of the plains, being half the breadth of the island." About the 60 of May following a settlement was commenced, the location of which is thought to have been on the west side of Cow Neck near the head of Manhasset or Cow Bay, which was formerly known as Howe’s or Scout’s Bay. News of the settlement having been carried to Governor Kieft, he sent a force which broke it up. Five years later the English attempted another settlement, advancing as far as Oyster Bay, within the track purchased by Daniel Howe, and were again frustrated in their design by Governor Kieft, who seized and imprisoned some of the settlers, and drove the others away. These settlers, however, could have remained had they acknowledged their subjection to the authorities of New Amsterdam, which they refused to do. The Dutch continued many years to claim jurisdiction over this portion- of the island; but on account of its local advantages and adaptation to commercial purposes it was as persistently claimed by the English. A treaty was made by representatives of the Dutch and English colonies in a convention which met at Hartford, Conn., September 19th 1650. The agreement was "that a line run from the westermost part of Oyster Bay and so a straight and direct line to the sea shall be the bounds betwixt the English and Dutch there; the easterly part to belong to the English, and the westermost to the Dutch." By this arrangement, giving to the English the whole of Long Island to the eastward of this boundary line, which merely included the site of the Townsend mill property on the side of the English, it was hoped the controversy was at an end; but this hope was doomed to disappointment. The Dutch in order to better secure their possession of the lands allotted to them on the west of said boundary line, and to prevent intrusions thereon, immediately planted a small colony on their eastern border, to which project the village of Brookville, formerly called Wolver Hollow, is indebted for its origin. When Oyster Bay came to be settled by the English a dispute arose between them and the Dutch governor respecting the "westermost" limits of Oyster Bay; and this, with the delay of the States General to ratify the treaty, furnished the Dutch governor with a pretext for not fulfulling it. Difficulties continued, for in 1656 we find that the commissioners of the united colonies of New England (Oyster Bay being at this time under the jurisdiction of New Haven), in answer to a communication from the Dutch governor, reproached him for still continuing to claim Oyster Bay, in violation of the treaty of Hartford; for, although the treaty was ratified by the States General February 22nd 1656, yet it seems that the governor never wholly relinquished his claim of jurisdiction over the town, or a part of it. We find also that in 1659 the directors of the West India company ordered the Dutch governor to erect a fort or build a blockhouse on their east bay (Hempstead Harbor), in order the more effectually to resist the encroachments of the English; but in 166r the governor informed them that he had not erected the fort on Long Island, near Oyster Bay, "because our neighbors lay the boundaries a mile and a half more westerly than we do, and the more as your honors are not inclined to stand by the treaty of Hartford." These disputes involved the people of Oyster Bay in much difficulty and perplexity. To avoid giving offense to one power or the other and to secure peace and quietness they were compelled to observe a kind of neutrality between the contending parties. December 13th 1660 they resolved, by a vote of the people in the town meeting, that no person should intermeddle to put the town either under the Dutch or English, until the difference between them should be ended, under penalty of £50. It is presumed that the town about this period united with the other English towns on the island east of Hempstead in voluntary submission to the jurisdiction of Connecticut. These disputes were, however, brought to a close by a surrender of New Netherlands to the Duke of York in 1664. This brought the whole island under the English authority. By decision of his Majesty’s commissioners, given November 30th 1664, it was decided that Oyster Bay, together with all towns to the east, should also belong to the Duke of York. This town then remained under his control except during the reoccupation of New York by the Dutch, when in October 1673 the people, upon their demand, took the oath of allegiance to the Dutch government. The close of the war between the two governments again brought the town under the duke’s control. As we have seen, individuals located in different parts of the town, but had no permanent organization as a town until 1653, when the first plantation was commenced on the site of the village of Oyster Bay. The first instrument of conveyance of land appears to be a deed from the Matinecock sachem, and is as follows: "Anno Domini 1653.- This writing witnesseth that I, Assiapum, alias Moheness, have sold unto Peter Wright, Samuel Mayo, and William Leveridge, their heirs, administrators and assigns, all the land lying and situate upon Oyster Bay and bounded by Oyster Bay River to the east side and Papequtunck on the west side, with all ye woods, rivers, marshes, uplands, ponds, and all other the appurtenances lying between ye bounds afore named, with all ye islands to the seaward, excepting one island, commonly called Hog Island, and bounded near southerly by a point of trees called Cantiaque; in consideration of which bargain and sale he is to receive, as full satisfaction, six Indian coats, six kettles, six fathom of wampum, six hoes, six hatchets, three pair of stockings, thirty awl- blades or muxes, twenty knives, three shirts, and as much peague as will amount to four pounds sterling. In witness whereof he hath set his mark in the presence of William Washborne, Anthony Wright, Robert Williams.PURCHASERS AND SETTLERS.
Thus we see that the first purchase was made by three men who associated with themselves seven others, each and all having equal property and rights. William Leveridge (or Leverich), a minister of the gospel, was born in England, graduated at Cambridge in 1625, and arrived in the ship "James" at Salem, with Captain Wiggin and company, October 10th 1633. He was the first pastor of a Congregational society organized in 1633 at Dover, New Hampshire, and was probably the first ordained minister who preached the gospel in that province. His support being quite insufficient he left his charge at Dover, came to Boston in 1635, was admitted a member of the church there, and afterward assisted Mr. Partridge at Duxbury for a short time. In 1638 he became the first pastor of the church at Sandwich, on Cape Cod, and he devoted much of his time to instructing the Indians in that quarter. In 1647 he was employed by the commissioners of the united colonies as a missionary and resided most of his time at Plymouth. In April 1653 he visited Long Island, in company with some of his former parishioners at Sandwich, and made the purchase recorded above. Samuel Titus, as will be seen certifies that Mr. Leverich received from the planters here 15 pounds per year for his services as clergyman. It has also been supposed that he devoted a part of his time after his removal to Oyster Bay to instructing the natives on Long Island and elsewhere. It appears that Mr. Leverich was allowed small sums for his services among the Indians from 1653 to 1658. In 1657 they desired him to instruct the Corchaug and Montauk tribes, at the east end of the island. He continued in the ministry till his death, in 1692; having been the first settled minister for four distinct parishes- Dover, Sandwich, Huntington and Newtown. Samuel Mayo, who owned the ship "Desire," of Barnstable, was employed by the Rev. Mr. Leverich to transport his goods to Oyster Bay. This vessel, which was under command of John Dickerson, was captured in Hempstead Harbor by Thomas Baxter, under pretense of authority from Rhode Island, while cruising against the Dutch; that province having taken part with England in the war against Holland, and the vessel being, as was alleged, within Dutch territory. It is stated that Mr. Leverich landed at Hempstead harbor, because there was no house at Oyster Bay to shelter his goods. Thompson says: "This Baxter was, beyond all question, a turbulent and unprincipled fellow, and the general court at Hartford, in April 1645, were compelled to notice his vile conduct, and to censure him for his reproachful speeches against that jurisdiction. They likewise imposed a fine upon him of £50, requiring him to execute a bond in £200 for his good behaviour for one year, and to be further responsible to New Haven and Rhode Island for his bad actions within their limits." Upon the complaint of Mayo for seizing his vessel under false pretenses, the court adjudged Baxter to pay the owner also, but that the sails, ropes, two guns, etc., if returned with the vessel, should be accounted as £18 toward that amount. It is gleaned from various records that Samuel Mayo was at Oyster Bay, and took part in transacting the business of the colony and apportioning out the different lots to those whom the town voted freedom to settle; and, although larger interests were claimed by his heirs, he appears never to have taken more than his equal share of land with other freeholders of the town. He died at Oyster Bay in 1670. The Wrights, Peter, Anthony, and Nicholas, emigrated from England to Massachusetts as early as 1636. They are supposed to have descended from Nicholas Wright of Norfolk, England, by his wife Anne Beaupre. They are found first residing at Lynn, then called Saugas, in Massachusetts, but shortly afterward removed to Sandwich, Cape Cod, in the settlement of which place they all became active leaders, acquiring lands and holding offices of military as well as civic trust. Here several of the children of Peter and Nicholas were born. In 1653 they joined the company led by the Rev. William Leverich, came to Long Island, and united in the first purchase of land from the Indians of the territory including the site of the present village of Oyster Bay. They all became large landed proprietors at that place. Anthony appears to have lived and died a bachelor; but Peter and Nicholas left large families. Anthony Wright died in Oyster Bay, on the 8th of September 1680. Peter Wright may be called the founder of Oyster Bay. He was the only one of the original three purchasers who settled here; and of those whom they admitted as partners, not one except Anthony continued longer than ten years. Thomas Armitage soon emigrated to another town on the island. Daniel Whitehead, having removed to Jamaica, became a very large landholder there, and afterward purchased Dosoris, which he gave to his daughter, the wife of John Taylor. Robert Williams was of Welsh descent, and a near relative of Roger Williams. He afterward bought from the Indians a large tract on the south boundary of the original Oyster Bay purchase. He was also the first purchaser of Dosoris. John Washborne was the son of William, who, with his brother Daniel, came here with Rev. Mr. Leverich. They or their family are frequently mentioned in the annals of Hempstead. Richard Holbrook built the first house in Oyster Bay. He afterward removed to Milford, Conn., as we learn from his will, dated at that place March 29th 1670. Indeed very many of the first inhabitants were of the Sandwich colony, who were collected there from different places in 1628.BOUNDARY DISPUTES.
That the settlers were not free from complications and difficulties appears from the following documents, which are copied from the Townsend Memorial: "Oyster Bay, 20th Dec’r. 1683. I, Nicholas Simikins, now an inhabitant of Musketo Cove, aged fifty- six or thereabouts, do declare that, I being at the first settlement of Oyster Bay, which was in the year 1653; Peter Wright, William Leverich and Samuel Mayo, they being the three first purchasers as by the grand deed from the Indian sachem, and they being mentioned in the deed as purchasers, condescended to the others to make a settlement of the said purchase; and for- - did accept of William Washbourne and his son John Washbourne, Thos. Armitage, Daniel Whitehead, Robert Williams and Richard Holbrook, as equal purchasers with them, and forthwith endorsed the same upon the back side of the bill of sale. That being done, and agreed upon, they immediately proceeded to the laying out of allotments but first they laid out all the highways in the town by joint consent. Secondly, beginning at the Mill river, from and so eastward to the harbor side, they laid out upwards of twenty lots, granting equal privileges to every lot; and next year Will. Smith and old John Titus, with several others, were accepted of as inhabitants, and had their allotments laid out to them by Peter Wright, by the consent of the purchasers. But so it happened that, the purchase money being not paid, the Indians began to be very unruly and dissatisfied; whereupon the purchasers, with the rest of the inhabitants then settled, desired William Smith and John Titus to prepay for the goods to pay the Indians, which they did to Mr. Briant, of Milford, and paid it in beef. And I killed the cattle and paid the debt, and when we came to levy the rate for the purchase it came to eighteen shillings and ten pence; and to my knowledge Samuel Mayo was at two town meetings at the first settlement of the place, and was always forward in joining and granting of allotments to each one that was free to settle amongst them as far forth as any of the rest of the purchasers or people settled, and this I can give upon oath, and much more if thereunto called or required as witness my hand. Richard Holbrook was the first man as a purchaser that got up his house in Oyster Bay. To which I subscribe my hand. "NICHOLAS SIMKINS." "I, Samuel Titus, of Huntington, aged forty- nine or thereabouts, doth witness and declare that about thirty years since, at the first settlement of Oyster Bay, being then with my father under his command, Mr. Leverich and the rest of the first purchasers, living in said town, who admitted freely of my father and two of my brothers as inhabitants and townsmen amongst them, who paid before his death his purchase money with the rest of the purchasers; and I well remember my father had an ox, and one cow, which was killed and sent over to Milford to Mr. Briant, excepting one quarter, to procure the goods to pay the Indians for the town purchase, which I suppose should have been paid before, but was not, whereupon the Indians began to be very surly until they bad their pay paid them as aforesaid. And further I well remember that Mr. Samuel Mayo was here at Oyster Bay several times after this payment and settlement of the town, and never made any objection against any of their proceedings in the settlement thereof; and further I remember that the said purchasers of the town did condescend to each other to have no more in the propriety thereof, but to be equal alike, which was, every purchaser a home lot containing six acres, and others that were to be taken in as townsmen to have but five- acre lots; and that I never all the time we lived in the town did hear or understand that said Mayo desired any more for his part among the rest of the town at the time than the lot which was laid out unto him, lying on the north side of Anthony Wright’s home lot, which I was informed by several of the town at the time he did intend to come speedily and settle upon it. And further I well remember that after the Indians had their pay now quiet and well contented, and then the inhabitants with the purchasers now agreed and was to give Mr. Leverich fifteen pounds per year as minister among them. This above written is the truth; and would have been present before the arbitrators at Oyster Bay to have declared the same, but was prevented by reason of my hay at the south, lieth upon _______. As witness my hand in Oyster Bay, 24th day of October 1684. SAMUEL TITUS. "This sworn before me this 24th day of October 1684. "THOS. TOWNSEND." "The boundaries of the Indian deed are indefinite, and controversies very soon arose about the western line; the Indians claiming the right to the lands on Matinecock and at Susco’s Wigwam (so called from Susconamon, by whom the greater part of the subsequent Indian deeds are given), now Wolver Hollow and Cedar Swamp, the whites maintaining Hempstead harbor to be the western boundary. Papaquatunk River is never mentioned except in this deed, and the terms of the grant make it evident that the Indians were right in claiming Beaver Swamp and Shoo Brook as the western line. For once they maintained their rights, and sold lands at all these places. Matinecock included Buckram, which was not so called on the records until after 1730. Buckram lot had been mentioned before, but that was a small parcel of land, not a district. In 1685 the Indian title was extinguished by the new purchase extending to what is now the western boundary of the town. There was also some difference of opinion as to the intentions of the Indians in selling, and the Rev. Mr. Leverich, who had then left here, gives his understanding of the matter as follows. The views of the Indians, on the subject, are not recorded. "‘Protest of William Leverich, Old Purchase, March 22nd 1663. Whereas I understand that there is some controversy about a sale of lands made by Assiapum, or Mohanes, made to Samuel Mayo, Peter Wright and William Leverich, for want of sound formalities usual in English deeds; and being desired what I understood about the points, I do therefore testify that the intention of the said Assiapum was to convey not only his right but the right of his heirs and extrs., which, though not expressed, is easily understood. 1st. For the Indians, so far as I can understand, have never made any sales for lives, but of custom- which is their law- passed the right of their heirs present, with their own, unless they made any express exceptions; 2nd, and there is enough in the writing to prove this to have been his intention, in the words interlined, Heirs and Executors, and which if it may help such (as) are on difference to a better intelligence I shall be glad. If otherwise, I shall be sorry that such as profess themselves Christians shall teach heathens less honesty under pretence of teaching them more law. "‘WILLIAM LEVERICH.’ "These misunderstandings seemed to have occasioned no hostile feelings between the whites and the Indians." Besides the difficulties with the Indians about the western boundary, there were controversies with the town of Huntington on the east and Robert Williams on the south. We copy the following remonstrance to the people of Huntington from the record: "Oyster Bay, this 3d day of the 7th month, 1663.- Neighbors: We are informed by one of your townsmen that some of your townsmen have mowed some of our meadows at the south, If it be a mistake we shall not regard it; but if appointed by you we desire to know your grounds, for we desire to be at peace with you, and to have our rights also, which we judge is your right desire also; and therefore, if you see cause to appoint a man, or more, and let him, or them, have your deeds, that fully show your title to the said land, then shall we do the like; but we request you to send us a line or two, that we may know your minds, and appoint the time and place, and we will meet you and end the difference if we can; but if you refuse our proposition herein to you, then we do by this request you to forbear mowing our meadow, which begins at the River Passasqueung, or east bounds. For peace and quietness we have done this, knowing that the best title must carry it, and that cannot be known but they must be compared, and we hope that is the readiest way for any that desire peace. "In behalf of the town, a true copy of what was sent by me. HENRY TOWNSEND." This letter does not appear to have brought about the desired results, for on the 5th of July 1669 we find another "letter to the people of Huntington," as follows: "Friends and neighbors of the town of Huntington: We once more desire you in a loving, friendly way to forbear mowing our neck of meadow, which you have presumptuously mowed these several years; and if, after so many friendly warnings, you will not forbear, you will force us, friends and neighbors, to seek our remedy in law, not else; but resting your friends and neighbors. By me in behalf of the town of Oyster Bay. "MATHIAS HARVEY, Town Clerk." We quote from the Townsend Memorial: "To settle this line, Thomas Townsend, Nathaniel Coles, and John Weeks were appointed by Oyster Bay, and Thomas Powell and Abiel Titus by Huntington; and on the 7th of August 1684 they ran the line of division. Several attempts were made to settle the difficulty with Williams, and, as appears from the following order, there was a settlement made; but long afterwards the affair seems to have given a great deal of trouble, and there are allusions to a suit between the town and Williams’s widow and heirs. This order is interesting, as it gives evidence of the industrious habits of the people: "‘Oyster Bay, June 13th 1684. At a Town Meeting then ordered that every freeholder of this Town, or that possesses any lands within this Town purchase, are to attend at the Town House on Monday next, being the 5th day of July ensuing, at sunrise at furthest in the morning, in order to run the line or bound between this Town’s lands and Robert Williams’s Lands; and that person interested in the Town that shall prove defective herein shall forfeit five shillings to them that run the same, according to this order, and to be taken forthwith, by distress, by the Constable. Provided that those that cannot go do cut brush in the town, where they shall be appointed by those persons appointed for that purpose this year. "The line between Oyster Bay and Hempstead was also the subject of negotiation, and was finally adjusted by Henry and Thomas Townsend, on the part of Oyster Bay; although late in the ensuing century there was still some disagreement between the towns respecting their boundaries."PRIVATE LAND OWNERSHIP AND EXCHANGES.
The key to the regulations which governed the management and distribution of the common property is gained from the deposition of Samuel Titus, already cited. We believe, from this and many other indications, that the first intention was that there should be no private property but the home lots, the first of which, as he says, contained six acres; but the practice by which subsequent purchasers were uniformly allotted five acres, as Titus states, does not appear to have been followed out, as the apportionment to some was no more than half an acre. The meadows were the property of the town. Each holder of a home lot was entitled to an equal right or share in their production. This plan was early departed from. We find from the records that for years certain days were appointed whereon to cut, the grass, and for some few years past the practice of selling the hay by auction has been resorted to; but this was not found to pay, and they have fallen back upon the old regulation. The town records, as well as the townspeople’s practice, show that no definite scheme was followed as to the division of property. This indefiniteness in their plans led to many difficulties and misunderstandings. Early in the history of the town it is found in trouble. The heirs of Peter Wright, Mayo and Leverich claimed rights which the town disputed. In an arbitration between the town and Mayo’s representatives the depositions already cited were taken to prove that Mayo never claimed more than a townsman’s rights. The town finally compromised with the heirs of Wright and Mayo, by giving them large tracts of land on the south side of the town. Many years afterward, in 1720, Nicholas Lang and others, encouraged by these results, brought a suit against the town for the rights in the old purchase under the title of William Leverich and Robert Williams; the suit was decided in favor of the town. From the labyrinth of theories and practices, although vague and variable, there are some matters of fact gleaned which may be interesting: Each home lot was entitled to certain privileges, such as shares in the common meadows, pastures and woodlands. These privileges were not inseparable from a home lot; for example, at a sale they were sometimes reserved by the seller, and sometimes divided into halt rights. Being in possession of land did not necessarily constitute a freeholder. For particular reasons home lots were frequently given by the town to persons having no rights, upon condition of their building upon the lot within a year and a day. These gifts were frequently forfeited. The lots varied in sizes and carried with them privileges designated and approved of by the donors, the townsmen. Many who obtained lots in this way or by purchase were at different times accepted as equal townsmen, whether by purchase or favor does not appear. The freeholders in Oyster Bay, in common with other English towns on the island, claimed the right to prevent the transfer of property to strangers without their consent. The following is copied from the town records: "Dec. 13th 1660.- It is this day ordered and agreed by the inhabitants of the town that no person whatsoever shall sell any land, lying or being within the bound of Oyster Bay, unto any until the town or a major part of the town do admit first of the said purchaser for an inhabitant." That the town did not enforce this resolution, although it attempted to do so, is shown by the fact that John Richbell, the only large landholder in the early days of the settlement, sold his interest to Latamore Sampson, and, notwithstanding the town’s entering a protest Sampson retained the property, and transferred it to others. Evidently it was the first intention to hold al but home lots as common property, but the intention was not very long carried out. At first shares of meadow were laid out to each, and then from time to time divisions of other common lands were made; generally to freeholders, but sometimes landholders not freeholders shared in the distribution. Frequently, if not generally when the land was divided and distributed the purchaser was authorized to take his "where he shall see cause." Sometimes the shares designated were distributed by lot. "A town meeting held the 1st of May 1677 there confirmed, by name, every freeholder which hath a free vote for giving and granting of common rights, and for otherwise; and that from henceforward no grant of township or common rights shall be confirmed, or held legal grants, without every freeholder bath legal warning that such a meeting is to be appointed, or that there are lands to be given out; and, after legal warning given them by the officer appointed, it shall be held legal, to all intents and purposes, all gifts or grants of common rights to either man or men, given by the majority of freeholders that doth appear at the time and place appointed. And it is further agreed that for every town right that any freeholder doth possess he shall have so many votes in the giving and granting land and common rights, and not otherwise to be understood, but to grant and divide, as they shall see cause." The freeholders named were as follows, each being entitled to one vote where not otherwise indicated: Henry Townsend, Joseph Dickinson, Edmund Wright, Anthony Wright, Joseph Ludlum (2), Samuel Weeks, Nicholas Simpkins, John Jones, Francis Weeks (1 ½), William Frost, John Rogers, John Dickinson, William Buckler, Nicholas Wright, Job Wright, Elizabeth Townsend (2), John Townsend, Josiah Latting (2), Nathaniel Coles (1 ½;), Richard Harcott, Adam Wright, Latamore Sampson, alias Simon Cooper (4), Daniel Coles, John Wright, John Townsend, Caleb Wright, Isaac Doutty, James Townsend, John Weeks, Samuel Andrews (2), Matthias Harvey Fyde (1/2), Samuel Furman (1/2), Alice Crabb, Henry Townsend jr., Gideon Wright, Richard Crabb, George Dennis, Thomas Townsend (2), Joseph Weeks, John Weeks, of Warwick, Thomas Weeks, Moses Furman (1/2), James Weeks. Only freeholders were eligible to office. Wood, in his history of Long Island, says that there were 41 free- holders who shared in the second division of land in this town, in 1680. The practice of apportioning to every man numerous small detached plots of land led to a system of exchanges and frequent sales, which make the records a very complete history of family relations for every owner; for the deed seldom fails to tell how the owner came by the land, and what degree of relationship existed between him and the purchaser, as well as the former owner. These plots of land sometimes contained no more than five acres, and very seldom, if ever, more than thirty acres. Excepting the farm of Simon Cooper, containing 400 acres at Cove Neck Point (now called Cooper’s Bluff), which he, with his right, purchased from Sampson, every farm formed from the Old Purchase and many of the New were formed by this system of exchange and purchase. Land was generally exchanged for other commodities; hence the number of acres and the price are seldom given. In a few instances, which we copy from the Townsend Memorial, the prices of different pieces of land and articles are given. "Thomas Townsend and Richard Harcut, appraisers of the property of Samuel Mayo, consisting of a home lot and a share of meadow containing two acres and a quarter, valued the whole at twenty- five pounds. The home lot was the place lately owned by Hamilton, containing six acres, one of the best in the village. This was in 1671; and about the same time, at the division of John Townsend’s estate, a bed and furniture were valued at ten pounds, and two cows at the same. Not long afterward Thomas Townsend bought the Fort Neck estate from the Indians (Dr. Peter S. Townsend says, nearly four miles square) for fifteen pounds, and Joseph Ludlam paid one hundred pounds for a homestead containing seventeen acres (Mrs. Miner’s place), with the buildings and privileges belonging to it. Indeed this homestead, with the privileges attached, bore about the same relative value to the Fort Neck property that a fine house on Fifth avenue bears to a township in Oregon; and the home meadows, as they called those near the village, were held at a higher value than even the home lots."DOMESTIC AFFAIRS.
Each of the early settlers had made several homes; some of them as many as four. Their movables, comprising their household furniture, farming utensils, and livestock, had become scattered and lost; all their new goods were transported from England at large expense. Hence it is obvious that an article once lost was replaced only at an enormous cost compared with its intrinsic value. Everywhere in this country these things were scarce, and, when it is considered that Oyster Bay and vicinity figured prominently as an asylum for those escaping from the sufferings of religious persecution, and leaving in their hurried emigration their stock and other movables, we can but look with great allowance upon their sometimes seeming parsimonious conduct. Cattle, we learn from many sources, soon became very plenty, as the country was then peculiarly well adapted to their increase. The high value of goods continued for many years. We copy from the Townsend Memorial an amusing illustration of this, which happened as late as the year 1720. It is part of the decision of arbitrators in a dispute between Robert Coles and his step- son, Robert Shadbolt, after deciding the ownership of the house and lands: "Robert Shadbolt shall have the meanest of them two feather beds which was in the house where he now lives, which was his mother’s, as also a bolster, and two pillows, and a checkered coverlet, and one of the straw beds, and a set of blue curtains, and all his mother’s wearing clothes that are in the house now, and the high candlesticks, and one of the looking glasses, and all the window curtains in the house, and one iron pot that was his mother’s, being at Joseph Woolsey’s." The prominent mention of curtains seems to indicate that they were considered necessaries. We can infer this necessity came from lack of partition walls in their primitive dwellings. Wearing apparel does not seem to be scarce, as we have reason to think from the numerous weavers and fulling- mills mentioned. It is easy to decide, from the older wills, that sons generally receive the lands; the youngest the homestead, and the older ones other parts of the father’s farm previously given them. The extra gifts granted to the youngest were in consideration of some provision which he makes for the maintenance of the parents during their lifetime, but the wife generally had the homestead, or a part of it during her life or widowhood. In a society where the manner of living was so simple it was easy to start in life and maintain a family; hence they generally married young. History shows that new countries having special attractions generally have a preponderance of men; and here they seem quite ready to marry widows having families of children, especially when they could bring their full proportion of common stock notwithstanding the proportion would to- day be considered a rather small dower. During those early days land was of little value unless there was some one in the family to till it. Hired help could not be obtained. We are not surprised to find, during the first fifty years of the settlement, the names of only two widows, both Elizabeths, widows respectively of John Townsend and John Dickinson. These had each nine children, several of them married when their mothers became widows. Every other widow deemed it prudent and desirable to accept a second husband, to cultivate, her land, and render it available for the support of herself and children. Unless a wife originally owned the title to land she very rarely, if ever, joined in a deed with her husband. It is clear what title or right the wife was considered to have to her husband’s property; this was not the troublesome side of the question: what right the husband had in the wife’s property seemed to be very much in doubt, as the following copy of the assignment of a deed shows: "I, Alice Crabb, of Oyster Bay, do by these presents assign and make over all my right, title and interest in this above written deed unto my son Adam Wright and his heirs forever; only I do reserve to myself the use of the share of meadow mentioned in this deed, during my life, and after my decease it is to redown to my son Adam and his heirs forever, as witness my hand in Oyster Bay this 26th day of June 1675. "It is to be understood that, although Richard Crabb be not mentioned in the above written deed, yet, notwithstanding, he being considered head or chief, do by these presents confirm that his said wife, Alice Crabb, hath done by this assignment; only the said Richard Crabb reserves the above said shear of meadow to his own disposal." The above is a copy from the Townsend Memorial. Mary Willets, widow of Richard Willets of Jericho, and sister of the wife of Robert Williams, was assessed £220 in the year 1683. This assessment was the highest on the list. She became possessed of a large tract of land through her father and her brother William, and Hope Washbourne, it being a part of that held by Williams. All the Willetses in the town are descendants of this family. Her son Richard left a memorandum, preserved by the clerk of the meeting, which gives his birth (October 25th 1660), marriage (January 25th 1686 to Abigail Bowne), the birth of his daughter Hannah (November 11th 1686), and the death of his wife (April 16th 1689).GOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS.
It has been before stated, in a general way, that the early settlers were not free from embarrassments and trouble by their Dutch neighbors. "April 2nd 1655 William Leverich and other English settlers at Oyster Bay are warned off the Dutch territories," thus showing that the Dutch were not satisfied with the so- called treaty. It is doubtful whether the English were, either. The planters, in order to strengthen their hands against these intruders, on the 28th of May following, through Mr. Leverich, desired to be annexed to New Haven colony. This petition was granted, and in time they, with New Haven, became a part of the colony of Connecticut. Their affairs were managed, to some extent, by Connecticut, for that colony ordered on July 22nd 1662 that John Rigebell be chosen constable of Oyster Bay. It is evident that the people did not like this foreordaining whom they should elect to office, as we learn that on January 4th 1664 Oyster Bay, Hempstead, Newtown, Jamaica and Flushing combined to govern their own affairs, irrespective of Connecticut. The court of that colony on the 12th of May following appointed two commissioners for each of these five towns, thus showing unwillingness to lose its newly acquired jurisdiction over this territory. John Rigebell (also written Rickbell and Richbill) and Robert Ferman (or Furman) were the appointees. Rigebell seems to have been a favorite with the Connecticut government. The matter was ended by the town becoming a part of New York, by a decision given November 30th of the same year, The early records and papers were kept in exceptionally good and handsome writing. The style was quite different from that of the penman of to- day, yet with a little practice one is able to read quite rapidly. Sometimes men made their "marks" on documents when it is quite certain, from other written papers that they could write, Some of these men occupied positions such as that of surveyor, which would require them to be ready writers.FIRST PROFESSIONAL MEN.
Little is known about provision for education. The only mention of a schoolmaster is in 1677, when "Thomas Webb, schoolmaster," was appointed town clerk, with a salary of forty shillings. No clergyman, except Mr. Leverich, is mentioned. "Feb. 19th 1693.- This day the town met together, in order to a late act of assembly for settling two ministers in the county, but nothing done about it; but made return that it was against their judgment, therefore could act nothing about it." This seems to indicate the feelings of the people at that time. Too strong inclination toward the Friends’ belief is the probable reason. The frequent sales and exchanges in land, and the laying out for new townsmen home lots together with meadow and pasture, caused the surveyor to take his position in the, front rank of the officers of the town, John Townsend, "at the mill," was elected to this office in 1686, and served until his death, when his nephew, Henry Townsend, succeeded him. Thomas Weeks, who was elected in 1686 to serve with Townsend, was succeeded in nine or ten years by Rhode Island John Townsend. These surveyors, dying in 1709, were after a short interval succeeded by George Townsend of Oyster Bay, and James Townsend of Jericho, each of whom continued to be elected for twenty years. The main inducement to hold this office was to know all the land in the town so thoroughly as to enable one to purchase and exchange to advantage. The fee was at first six pence per acre, and in 1686 was reduced to three pence.SUBSTITUTES FOR MONEY.
It is not to be supposed that money was received as payment for such work, or for anything else. Money was rarely used to extinguish a debt; The Townsend Memorial says: "If movables were scarce, money was more so, and there are constant allusions to payment in produce, at stipulated prices. We will copy a specimen of these transactions. In 1692 Henry Townsend sold several parcels of land at the Planting Fields to John Dowsbury, for sixty pounds of silver money, current in the colony, to be paid by annual installments of five pounds; but it is to be understood that these several payments before expressed are to be paid, the one half in money, the other half in goods, at money price.’ The following is the receipt for the first payment: ‘Received, this last day of October 1693. Then received of John Dowsbury, in this within- mentioned bill, one cow, one calf, and two- years old heifer, at the sum of five pounds, being in full of the first year’s payment, according to the within- written obligation. I say received by me.’ "HENRY TOWNSEND." The mode of paying debts of all kinds seemed to be very much like that of paying the minister of the gospel at a donation gathering- part money, and part produce. The people, having little money and little to sell, were obliged to make exchanges among themselves as best they could.THE BLACKSMITH AND THE MILLER.
It is certain that the pioneers raised wool and flax. Linen and woolen clothes were quite plenty. Shoemakers and weavers were in abundance. No blacksmith was found fit to mend their utensils and wares. They no doubt required an accomplished artisan, one who could make their old articles as good as new, and thus greatly extend their term of usefulness. John Thomson, whom the town receives as blacksmith and grants a home lot, is the first one mentioned. The lot if Thomson died in the town was to belong to his heirs, but if he left was to return to the town, it paying for his improvements. Thomson appeared to fill their requirements as blacksmith very well for a time, and was in high favor. Frequent allotments of land were made to him here and there. A dark cloud suddenly appeared in his horizon: The town meeting in 1677 ordered the constable, Thomas Townsend, to give Thomson notice to give up the land allotted to him by the town, the town authorities claiming a breach of covenant and threatening to bring him before the next session of court at Jamaica if be refused. Thomson did not give up the land, but employed two attorneys to contest the matter. The town ordered the constable to take possession, but soon saw fit to make a compromise with the attorneys, agreeing that Thomson should have liberty to sell his house and lands to any one that the town approved, "but not to come and live in it himself." The house was sold to Joseph Ludlam, and Thomson, not enjoying the popular attitude toward him, left the town. Abraham Alling, or Allen, was soon after accepted as smith. His lot was granted to him on the same conditions that lots had been granted to others without special trade or profession- that is, to be built upon in a year and a day, or forfeited. Allen seems to have given entire satisfaction as long as he exercised his trade, which was not however many years. He took up land on Mill Neck, and continued to add to it until he owned the tract on the east side of the neck, now divided into four farms, one of which is still owned in the family and situated at the point formerly called Cedar Point. The records show that for many years the settlement of a blacksmith in the village was considered a public concern. The first grist- mill in the town was built by Henry Townsend. We copy from the Townsend Memorial the following: "In 1661 the grant of the mill stream was made to Henry Town send. Dr. Peter Townsend says that before he built the mill the people were obliged "to carry their grain across to Norwalk to be ground, and that he was invited here to build the mill by the Wrights and John Dickinson. This is tradition, but is no doubt true. The original grant and the property conveyed by it are now in the possession of George Townsend, great- great- great- great- grandson of Henry: ‘Oyster Bay, September 16th 1661. ‘Be it known unto all men by these presents that we, the inhabitants of the town of Oyster Bay, on Long Island, in America, whose names are underwritten- we do by these presents firmly covenant and engage unto Henry Townsend, now in the said town, upon condition the said Henry Townsend build such a mill as at Norwalk, on the main, or an English mill on our stream called by us the Mill River, at the west end of our town, then we do give and confirm such lands to him, his heirs and assigns forever, without molestation or condition, as, namely, all the mill lot, bounded with Henry Disbrow’s lot on the east side, the salt meadow on the north end, Anthony Wright’s meadow lot on the west, and the highway on the south; and the said Anthony Wright’s lot is given also to the said Henry Townsend, that adjoin to the aforesaid mill lot on the east, and Latting’s salt meadow on the north end, and a highway on the, west side, two poles broad, between the said stream and mill lot, and the highway on the south; and we give him also the salt meadow and upland on the west side the mill stream, to a little stream of water on the west side of it, and the sea is the north bounds: on the south a highway of six poles broad adjoining unto the swamp. And we do hereby give unto Henry Townsend the said mill stream to build a mill or mills on it, as he shall see cause, and so to remain firm to him, his heirs and assigns, so long as he or they do keep a mill on it, as aforesaid. But if the mill cease to be for half a year after it is built, and no preparation is made to repair the mill again, that then the town may lawfully enter on the river again as their own, and improve it as the town shall see necessary. But if the said Henry Townsend’s heirs or assigns do make preparation to repair the mill, so that it be finished for service after a year’s decay, that the said stream shall continue his or theirs on condition a mill be kept up, or else the stream to return to the town, as aforesaid; and therefore we give him by this full power to trench and dam, and to take what timber he bath need of for his use, and to have commoning for his cattle, and on our charges we engage to trench and make a dam for the mill, as he shall give direction, when he calls to have it done. And we allow him the tenth part for grinding; but if, in process of time, the toll do so increase that less may be sufficient to uphold the mill, so that the miller be not discouraged, he shall have less, as understanding men in the case, chosen by him and us, shall judge. His toll dish to be made true, and to be struck in taking the toll, and we engage no other- than what is before mentioned shall be made join to the fore-mentioned lands we have given to said Henry Townsend, and we are content that the mill do- app- in a week- to grind our corn, and that when the said Henry Townsend do fence in the above said land, that such as have upland or meadow joining to the above said shall join in fencing with him their half, according to English custom; and is to have it all rates and taxes free forever, and to enter in present possession on the stream and lands. And so to the true and due and faithful performance of all and every of the above mentioned engagements and promises we bind us, our heirs and assigns, to perform unto the said Henry Townsend, his heirs and assigns; as witness our hand, the day and year above written; upon condition he build a mill as aforesaid, serviceable to the town of Oyster Bay, in the condition the town now is in, as the mill at Norwalk is serviceable to their town. "‘Nicholas Simkins, Robert Furman, Benjamin Hubbard, Richard Latting, Anthony Wright, Francis Weeks, Henry Disbrow, Richard Harcut, John Richbill, Nicholas Wright, Matthew Bridgman (town clerk), John Finch, John Dickinson, Jonas Halstead, John Bates, John Townsend sen., John Townsend jr., Thomas Armitage.’" There was some dissatisfaction at one time with the miller. It is said that Richard Harcut served for a time as miller, and he was probably there at the time mentioned. The action of the town meeting in reference to it throws light on the simplicity of habits and ideas among the early settlers. We furnish a copy: "30th of 7th month 1672. At a town meeting, ordered by reason of aspersions cast upon the miller, the town have taken it into serious consideration, and have ordered, with the consent and agreement of Henry Townsend, owner of the mill, that if any person or persons do not like their usage at the mill they are to give notice of it to the miller, and attend himself, or his wife if he have one, and see their corn ground if they will; but if they will not attend the grinding, and do cast blemishes notwithstanding on the miller, they are at liberty to grind in another place, and the miller at his liberty whether he will grind again for any such person or persons until him or them do tender such reasonable satisfaction as may be adjudged just by the town." This last action of the town would seem to savor strongly of the miller’s influence. Henry Townsend built a saw- mill in 1673, and the town granted him and his heirs forever, in consideration of his building, the right to cut and use timber from any part of the town he should choose. He also had the right granted to sell such timber, either in the town or out of it. In 1678 a grant was made to Isaac Homer of the mill privileges at Shoo Brook, for a fulling-mill. Homer did not build the mill, and in 1684 the grant was given to John Dowsbury, who built and improved the place, but afterward was sold out by the sheriff. The property finally, by sale and inheritance, came into the Hewlett family, of which Samuel J. Hewlett is the present representative. A saw- mill was built in 1694 at Mill Neck, by the two Birdsalls and two of the Townsends.COMMERCE.
A grant of land was made in 1668 to build a wharf into the sea at the place now called Ship Point. The grant was forfeited, and the foot of South street was called the dock. The first merchant mentioned is John Richbill. He sold his property to Lattamore Sampson, and disappeared. It may be he was unpopular here, as he was an official of Connecticut, appointed after the town had sought independence from that colony. The next merchant was George Dennis, who after a few years of trade was obliged to make an assignment in favor of his creditors. William Bradford, the first printer and publisher in New York, was a merchant here for a time. He is styled in his deeds for several years before 1703 "merchant of Oyster Bay;" then, and after that, "printer of New York." He, like modern merchants, appeared to live here some time after he commenced business in New York. Inscriptions in some of the old books of records show that the books were bought of him. Very few wills or records make mention of boats, shipbuilding or navigation, though their papers are so minute in particulars that it would seem as if they would. Ship Point had received its name in the early part of the eighteenth century, perhaps before. In 1699 a third part of the goods imported into the colony of New York were run into the Long Island ports of Setauket, Oyster Bay, Musquito Cove and South-old, John Townsend, of Oyster Bay, was appointed by the governor surveyor of the customs, with a salary of £30 per year and one-third of the seizures; but, being abused by the inhabitants, he soon resigned his office "through fear of being knocked on the head" by some of the smugglers. By the middle of the century following, shipping business had become better regulated, and was carried on extensively. Samuel Townsend built several ships of different kinds, and carried on an extensive trade with England and the West Indies, until the close of the Revolution, when he moved to New York. William and Benjamin Hawxhurst owned a store at Cold Spring, and probably one at Oyster Bay, doing a large business, and importing their goods from England. They also owned fulling and grist- mills at Cold Spring.OYSTER BAY DURING THE REVOLUTION.
As the war for independence approached, the question whether the town should espouse the cause of the colonies or remain loyal to the crown became a subject of controversy among the people, even to the rending asunder of families, whose members in many cases ranged themselves on opposing sides. To chronicle all the acts of the people of this town during the Revolution would furnish to their descendants some pleasant history, and much not as pleasant. Most that follows in this article is gleaned from the notes of Henry Onderdonk jr. Oyster Bay was among the first towns in the county to protest against the Stamp Act. The following is taken from Holt’s Journal under date of March 6th 1766: "To the Committee of the Sons of Liberty in New York. "GENTLEMEN: By order of a committee of the Sons of Liberty in Oyster Bay we are to acquaint you that at a meeting of the inhabitants, on Saturday February 22nd 1766, it was unanimously agreed and resolved: "I. That the person, crown, and dignity of our rightful sovereign King George III., with all his just and legal rights of government, we will to the utmost of our power support, maintain, and defend. "II. That the liberties and privileges which we as Englishmen have still enjoyed, particularly those of being taxed by representatives of our own choosing and being tried by our own juries, we will also support, maintain, and defend. "III. That the late Stamp Act is destructive of these our liberties, and is by us deemed to be arbitrary and unconstitutional; that as such we will to the utmost of our power endeavor to oppose and suppress the same. "IV. That the measures which you have taken and the several noble efforts you have made in vindication of the general cause of liberty we do heartily approve of, and that with our lives and fortunes we stand ready to assist you in the same. "V. That the committee now chosen do signify these our resolutions to the Sons of Liberty at New York, and elsewhere as they may think proper; that the said committee do for the future keep up appointed meetings, as may be thought necessary, at the house of George Weeks in Oyster Bay, and maintain a correspondence with your committee, in which we expect your concurrence." The Stamp Act being repealed, no more meetings were held at the time. The town records as set forth by Mr. Onderdonk furnish the next mention of them, as follows: "In December 1774 there was a notification signed by several of the principal freeholders, and set up in different parts of Oyster Bay, requesting the freeholders to meet at George Weeks’s on the 30th, to take into consideration the resolves of the Continental Congress. On that day, a number of freeholders appearing, they made choice of Samuel Townsend, town clerk, for moderator. A motion was then made for taking into consideration the resolves of the Continental Congress; and, there being present but a small part of the freeholders, the meeting was adjourned to the annual town meeting." A person signing himself SPECTATOR gives a report of the same meeting, from his standpoint: "At a meeting for choosing a committee for Oyster Bay, December 30th 1774, about ninety freeholders assembled to take into consideration the present unhappy dispute between the mother country and her colonies; when there appeared such~ a number of friends to our happy, regular- established government, under the crown and Parliament of Great Britain, as to deem that meeting illegal and void, and that no business could with propriety be done; and the meeting was adjourned till a future time, when it is hoped it will be so conducted as to convince the world that his Majesty is not without friends here who will support his government. The resolutions of the Congress were publicly read; after which Justice exerted himself with that prudence and firmness becoming a magistrate, by arguing the impropriety and illegality of such meetings in so masterly a manner as to have the desired effect of preventing any business being done till the legal day of calling town meeting, on the first Tuesday in April." March 27th 1775 Samuel Townsend, town clerk, published the following advertisement: "I have received a letter from the chairman of the committee pf New York, recommending it to the free- holders of Oyster Bay to choose their deputies so soon as that they may beat New York by April 20th, the day proposed for the meeting of the convention; and as our annual town meeting is so near at hand I thought it best, previous to said meeting, to acquaint the freeholders that I should lay said letter before the meeting, that in the interim they might have an opportunity of thinking whether it will be proper or not to choose a deputy on that day." At the annual town meeting Thomas Smith was chosen moderator; and, after going through the business of the town, Samuel Townsend read the above- cited letter, and offered it to the consideration of the freeholders and inhabitants. Many objected to having anything to do with deputies or congresses, and some insisted on choosing a deputy. The moderator proposed to go out and separate, but it was objected to, and a poll demanded. The town clerk wrote down the votes, and at the close of the poll there appeared on the list- for deputy, 42; against, 205. The minority of this meeting did not give up their intention, but voted the following address: "To the Provincial Convention. "Whereas the unhappy disputes between the mother country and the American colonies, we humbly conceive, has arisen from assumed power claimed by the British Parliament to pass laws binding on us in all cases whatsoever, hath given us great uneasiness; and, as we conceive, unanimity among the inhabitants of the colonies is the only means under Providence to secure the essential rights and liberties of Englishmen; and, in order that the inhabitants of the different colonies should know each others sentiments, and form general plans for the union and regulation of the whole, it is necessary there should be delegates appointed to meet in general Congress. And whereas the committee of correspondence of New York did request the people of Queens county to choose deputies, in consequence thereof there was a town meeting at Oyster Bay on April 4th, for the appointing of one deputy; but there appearing at said meeting a majority against it, yet nevertheless we the subscribers, freeholders of Oyster Bay, being determined to do all in our power to keep in unity with you and the colonies on the continent, and desirous of being in some measure represented at the general Congress, do hereby appoint Zebulon Williams as our deputy, giving unto him full power to act in our behalf in the premises aforesaid. In confirmation whereof we have hereunto set our hands respectively: "George Townsend, Micajah Townsend, William Seaman, David Layton, George Bennet, Joseph Carpenter, John Schenck, Peter Hegeman, James Townsend jr., John Wright, Gilbert Wright, Richard Weeks, James Townsend, Wm. Townsend, Prior Townsend, Wm. Latting, B. Latting, Joseph Thorney Craft, William Hopkins, Joseph Coles, Albert Albertson, John Luister, Rem Hegeman, Samson Crooker, Jacobus Luister, Albert Van Nostrand, Jotham Townsend, William Laton jr., William Laton, Peter Mutty (x mark), Benjamin Rushmore, William Wright, John Carpenter, James Farley (captain), Samuel Hare jr., Benjamin Birdsall, Joseph Doty, Isaac Bogart, Samuel Townsend, Gideon Wright, Gilbert Hare, Benjamin Townsend, Josiah Lattin." The justices of Oyster Bay- Thomas Smith, John Hewlett and John Townsend- who were appointed by the crown, were leaders against carrying out the resolves of the Continental Congress, and entered their protest on the town records, under date May 19th 1775, and they, with Captain George Weeks and Dr. David Brooks, were among the 26 principal disaffected persons from Queens county who were summoned to appear before the Provincial Congress at New York, December 19th 1775, and give satisfaction in the premises. June 5th 1776 these same men, substituting Thomas Jones for George Weeks, all of them office-holders, were among the 38 men ordered to be brought before a committee of the Provincial Congress to show cause why they should be considered friends to the American cause. A letter dated Oyster Bay South, July. 27th 1776, directed by Lieutenant Colonel Benjamin Birdsall to Colonel John Sands, states that there are 30 or 40 tories in Massapequa (Marsapeague) swamp, and proposes to ferret them out with 400 men. He did not succeed in arresting all, for it is said that after the defeat at Brooklyn these loyalists came out and huzzaed for King George. August 12th it is stated that Dr. David Brooks and Thomas Jones, with 20 others, were arrested in the county by order of General Washington, and taken to Connecticut, where they were paroled December 9th following. July 29th 1776 Jotham Townsend, first lieutenant of Richard Manee’s company, received rules and orders as follows: "1. You are to take command of the recruits, and march them down to Matinecock Point, where you are to place sentinels in the most advantageous places to discover the enemy; likewise to be very careful there is no communication to the ships of war. Should you discover any persons attempting it, you are to put them under guard. "2. You are to build a shelter if there be none convenient. Should you want any materials, take such as will answer your purpose best. "3. Charge your men that they insult nor abuse any of the inhabitants, or destroy their effects. "4. Should you discover the enemy attempting to land, you are to send off express to me, and order the owners of stock to drive them off with all expedition. on the Great Plains. "5. Should any of your men disobey orders, steal, or abuse the inhabitants, you are to put them under guard. "6. Minute down daily what happens, and make a return Saturday next by 10 o’clock, at my house. "JNO. SANDS, Col. "Westbury, July 29th 1776." Additional orders, August 3d. "Should you discover the enemy in sight you are to immediately hoist your signal, then send off your express. "You are not to suffer your men to play at cards, dice, or any unlawful game, nor intoxicate themselves with strong drink. You are to observe that no small craft passes and repasses having any transient persons or negroes on board. Should you discover any you are to take them up. If, upon examination, you find them clear, discharge them; if guilty, put them under guard till discharged by the town committee. You are not to let your men waste their cartridges by firing wantonly at game. You are to exercise your men four hours every day." The Oyster Bay committeemen were in session at Daniel Cock’s, Matinecock, when news was brought of the defeat at Brooklyn. They at once broke up and hastened home, there to await their fate; except Joost Monfort and Isaac Bogart, who took leave of their families, mounted horses, and rode off to Huntington ferry, where they crossed, the same night, in company with Major Thorne and others, and proceeded to Fishkill. Joost Monfort, after a few months’ absence, returned home in the night, and before day hurried off to General Robertson, New York, to give up, before his loyal neighbors should molest him. Esquire A.V.W- , hearing of his return, hastened to New York to prevent his getting a pardon. He was so abusive when he found he could not succeed that Robertson ordered him out of his office, and gave Mon fort a certificate. When the Kings county light horse were driving the cattle from Hog Island they, hearing of the defeat at Brooklyn, left the cattle at Matinecock and crossed the sound at Huntington, August 29th, leaving their horses. A British sergeant and three light horse came to Cedar Swamp in September, and continued there some time, hunting Whigs, and impressing wagons. On the 7th of the month one Harrison, from Long Island, reported to Congress "that the ministerial troops have been to Oyster Bay and Hempstead; that the disaffected have joined the enemy, and proceeded as far as Setauket; that William Smith of - - administers oaths of allegiance, and Thomas Smith, of Hog Island, receives submissions. A week after the Kings county light horse had driven the cattle off Hog Island to Matinecock a detachment of the 17th light dragoons appeared at Norwich, and apprehended George Townsend, chairman of the Queens county committee, and John Kirk, also a committeeman. They conducted them to the house of Samuel Townsend, member of the Provincial Congress, who was also apprehended, but was allowed to remain at home on one Buchanan’s promising that he should be forthcoming at New York whenever summoned. Far different was the fate of the other two. George Townsend, having been chairman of the committee, and a bold, blunt, talented man, had exasperated his loyal neighbors past endurance, and could find no intercessor in his hour of peril. He and Kirk were taken to the provost and thrown among the offscouring of the earth. After nine weeks of imprisonment they were allowed to return home. Kirk had contracted the smallpox; his wife and infant daughter took it and died. Samuel Townsend was a prisoner in the provost in the summer of 1782. Brigadier General Oliver de Lancey took up his headquarters at Oyster Bay in the latter part of 1776, and in a notice dated November 14th announced that many drivers of wagons, from different counties of Long Island, who had been impressed from time to time into his Majesty’s service, had deserted their teams and wagons, which occasioned the loss and neglect of many of the horses. He also informed the masters and drivers of such teams that if they did not immediately return and take care of them, and attend to their duties as drivers, the quartermaster general would not be answerable for their loss. "Tunis Bogart and Andrew Hegeman were impressed to cart ammunition for the British army, and were present at White Plains and Fort Washington. They also saw the execution of Captain Hale (September 26th) on an apple tree near Colonel Rutgers’s." The impressing of teams was very annoying. No matter how urgent their business, whether plowing, going to mill, on a visit, at church, or at a funeral, the team must go. A body of British troops were moving from the south side with cavalry in advance impressing teams. On their approach Charles Collyer, a boy of 12 years, took his mother’s two horses and fled. He was fired at, but succeeded in evading his pursuers and hid the horses in a hollow east of Manetto Hill, just over the Huntington line, where he kept them a week, carrying hay to them at night. When forage was carried off a certificate was generally given, on presenting which at the forage office, New York, the holder received his pay at proclamation prices. Doubtless a great deal was taken (especially from Whigs) which was never paid for. More perfect arrangements seem to have been made after a time, and residents were appointed to collect the forage, leaving only so much with the farmers as was needed for their stock. The persons appointed in this town were: Justice Hewlett and Captain Thomas Van Wyck, at East Woods, now Syosset; Captain Abraham Van Wyck, at Wolver Hollow: Thomas Cock, at Buckram; John Underhill, at Musketo Cove; Thomas Jackson, at Jericho; Judge Jones, at Fort Neck; and Captain Israel Youngs, at Cold Spring. Lieutenant-Colonel Emerick, wishing to raise six companies of foot and two troops of light dragoons, states that his soldiers live like gentlemen, and all who behave themselves are treated like brothers. As an inducement to enlist he offers $5 above the regular bounty, together with clothing and provisions regularly, agreeable to the king’s allowance, without clipping or deduction. Refugees are promised pay f or their horses. All who wish to enlist are to apply to Captain Henry Seton, at Huntington, Oyster Bay, and Jericho. This proposal was issued in March 1778. In June "all gentlemen volunteers" were invited to enlist in the regiment called the Prince of Wales’s Royal American Volunteers, commanded by Brigadier General Brown. By applying to Lieutenant- Colonel Pattinson, at his camp on Lloyd’s Neck, they were to receive complete suits of new clothes, arms, and accoutrements, and one guinea more than the king’s greatest bounty. In December "all gentlemen volunteers" and others emulous of serving the king and willing to share the laurels of the Queen’s Rangers were desired to repair to the headquarters of the regiment at Oyster Bay, where many advantages were offered. Any person bringing an approved recruit was to receive one dollar. The following, taken from Simcoe’s Journal, pages 93- 99, is furnished by Onderdonk: "Lieut. Col. Simcoe arrived at Oyster Bay Nov. 19th 1778. As it was understood the village was to be the winter cantonment of the corps no time was lost in the fortifying of it. The very next day the whole corps was employed in cutting fascines. There was a centrical hill which totally commanded the village and seemed well adapted for a place of arms. The outer circuit of this bill, in the most accessible places, was to be fortified by sunken fleches, joined by abattis, and would have contained the whole corps; the summit was covered by a square redoubt, and was capable of holding 70 men; platforms were erected in each angle for the field pieces, and the guard- house in the center, cased and filled with sand, was rendered musket-proof, and looped so as to command the platforms and surface of the parapets; the ordinary guard of 20 was sufficient for its defense. Some of the militia assisted in working one day when Sir Wm. Erskine came to Oyster Bay intentionally to remove the corps to Jericho, a quarter the legion was to quit in order to accompany him to the east end of the island. Lieut. Col. Simcoe represented to him that in case of the enemy’s passing the sound both Oyster Bay and Jericho were at too great a distance for any post to expect succour, but that Jericho was equally liable to surprise as Oyster Bay; that its being farther from the coast was no advantage, as the enemy, acquainted with the country and in league with the disaffected inhabitants of it, could have full time to penetrate undiscovered through the woods, and that the vicinity of Oyster Bay to the seacoast would enable him to have a more watchful eye over the landing places, and to acquire a knowledge of the principles of the inhabitants in these important situations; and that provisions from New York might be received by water. Sir. W. Erskine was pleased to agree with Lieutenant colonel Simcoe; and expressed himself highly satisfied with the means that had been taken to ensure the post; and on his representation the corps was permitted to remain, in its present cantonments. There was a small garrison at Lloyd’s Neck, within twelve miles of Oyster Bay; a feint in case of attack would serve to have kept this post within its redoubts. The nearest cantonment was at Jamaica, where the British grenadiers lay; this was almost thirty miles from Oyster Bay. The New England shore was not more than twelve, and in many places but seven or eight miles over and there were many favorable landing places within a mile or two of Oyster Bay. The enemy could raise any number of men for such an expedition. General Parsons lay with some regular troops in the vicinity, and there were whaleboats sufficient to carry 2,000 men, who in three hours might attack the cantonment. The situation was an anxious one, and required all the vigilance and system of discipline to prevent an active enemy from taking advantage of it. Every separate quarter was loop-holed and surrounded with abattis in such a manner that it could not be forced. A house (the ‘New Light’ meeting- house) was moved bodily to the rear, near to the beach, where the highland and grenadier companies were quartered. A general plan of defense was calculated for the whole; and proper orders were given in. case of attack. The situation of Oyster Bay was extremely well calculated to secure the health of the soldiery: the water was excellent; there was plenty of vegetables and oysters to join with their salt provisions; and bathing did not a little contribute with the attentions of the officers to cleanliness, to render them in high order for the field. Nor were they without sufficient exercise; the garrison in New York being in great want of forage, Oyster Bay became a central an safe deposit for it, and frequent expeditions towards the eastern and interior parts of the island were made to enforce the orders of the commander- in- chief in this respect." A report from American sources, dated February 16th 1779, states that Simcoe’s Rangers numbered 250, and Ludlow’s battalion at Lloyd’s Neck 150. A report from British sources says, "The Queen’s Rangers, numbering 360, left their cantonments May 18th 1779, for King’s Bridge." Simcoe’s Journal, page 110, tells us that Captain Sanford’s company of Bucks county dragoons, Captain Diemar’s hussars, and the Queen’s Rangers, all under command of Lieutenant- Colonel Simcoe, marched from King’s Bridge for Oyster Bay August 13th 1779- the cavalry and cannon by the route of Hell Gate, and the infantry by Throg’s Neck- and arrived in Oyster Bay the 17th. Simcoe left Oyster Bay October 19th. The cavalry marched to Jericho, where they remained under Lieutenant- Colonel Tarleton; and the infantry to Jamaica thence to Yellow Hook, and embarked on the 24th Shortly afterward the hussars of the Queen’s Rangers and Captain Sandford’s troops went from Jericho to Staten Island. Page 150 of the same journal states that Simcoe returned from the east end of the island to Oyster Bay, where he saw Major Andre; and remained there and in its vicinity till September 22nd, when he marched to Jamaica, and crossed to Staten Island October 8th. This entry is dated August 23d ’80. Simcoe had his headquarters at the residence of the late Solomon Townsend. The colonel was of a large frame, heavy built, and fine looking, but of feeble health. The forage master here was Captain Wickham, of the Queen’s Rangers. He had a long stack of hay north of Townsend’s. During the holidays the British forage fleet was frozen in. As there were many loyalists and refugees unwilling to enlist as soldiers, to organize and employ these the "Honorable Board of Associated Loyalists" was established December 28th 1780, with William Franklin, son of Dr. Franklin, and a former governor of New Jersey, as president, and commissioned by Sir Henry Clinton with a view to annoy the seacoast of the revolted provinces and distress their trade. The post of Lloyd’s Neck was put under their direction, and they were furnished with suitable armed vessels, provisions, arms and ammunition to defend the post and carry on enterprises against the rebels. The conditions on which the association was formed were as follows: 1. Each associator was to receive 200 acres of land in North America. 2. All captures made by them to be their own property. 3. Prisoners taken by them to be exchanged for such loyalists as the board might name. 4. The sick and wounded to have the benefit of the king’s hospital; A skillful surgeon, with a complete medical chest, to reside at Lloyd’s Neck, and accompany the associators in their excursions. 5. "It will be their care to stop those distinguished cruelties with which colonial loyalists are treated, when in the hands of rebels, under the distinction of prisoners of war and prisoners of state. The directors will omit nothing to make the rebels feel the just vengeance due such enormities." In April 1781 there were 800 men, chiefly refugees and deserters from the American army, at Lloyd’s Neck; about 500 of whom were properly armed. Their naval guard consisted of one vessel of sixteen guns, two small privateers and one galley. Just before the war the Lloyds had cut off the timber on 100 acres of land around where Fort Franklin was built in 1778, so that half a mile east of the fort was clear. Here was the parade. South were the huts and gardens, on a declivity. The vegetables were left in good condition when the place was evacuated. The wood had mostly been cut off. The fort had a well, 130 feet deep, which Huntington was assessed £176 to pay for digging. Henry and James Lloyd’s farms were protected by Howe? but the rest, owned by John, who lived at Stamford, and Joseph, of Hartford, were confiscated, and the wood was cut off for fuel for the king’s troops. The wood was exceedingly large, some trees growing to a height of forty or fifty feet before putting out a-branch. All this was cut down in a most wasteful manner. The amount was estimated at 2,000 cords. Count de Barras detached three frigates and 250 land troops to drive the loyalists from Fort Franklin, on Lloyd’s Neck. The expedition was joined in the sound by several boats with American volunteers and pilots from Fairfield. They landed on the morning of July 12th, when it was discovered that the place was stronger than was supposed and not to be carried without cannon, which had not been provided. Two or three men were wounded by a cannon shot, when the party re- embarked. The British vessels fell back west, into an arm of Huntington Harbor, under protection of a battery of guns recently mounted from-a British armed schooner. The guide of the assailants, Heathcoat Muirson, of Setauket, had made himself acquainted with the position of the enemy. Their fort was picketed with trunks of trees set in the sides, with their branches sharpened; there were only two guns mounted when Muirson viewed the fort, and those on the west side, but on the very night before the attack the British finished mounting two more, twelve- pound guns, on the east side. It was this that frustrated the attack. Muirson was examining the works with a glass, when a shot from the fort took off his arm, from which wound he died. He described the place so closely that his sister afterward found his glass in a bunch of briers, where he had thrown it. The British account of the affair reads thus: "Three large ships, five armed brigs and other vessels appeared in Huntington Harbor and landed 450 men, mostly French, on the back of Lloyd’s Neck, two miles from the fort. At 11 o’clock they formed in front of the fort, at a distance of 400 yards, in open view. The fort fired grape shot from two 12- pounders, when the French suddenly retreated, leaving on the ground a number of surgeons’ implements, lint, bandages, etc. The grass was besmeared with blood." William Ludlam, residing on Hog Island, in the house now occupied by Henry Ludlam, saw the skirmish and gave the foregoing recital of it to Henry Onderdonk jr., who accompanied it in his "Annals of the Revolution" (page 222) with a plan, which he permits us to reproduce herewith.LONG ISLAND SOUND.
EXPLANATION 0F THE MAP AND PLAN.
a. Position of William Ludlam when he saw the attack. b. Fort Franklin, designed to protect the wood- cutters. c. Place where the French landed. d. A long narrow beach over which Ludlam saw the action between the vessels at h. e. A brig of 8 or 10 guns under protection of the fort. f. A large sloop attacking the fort on the west side, the fort bringing one gun to bear on her. g. Place where the British armed schooner landed her guns, and mounted them In battery on shore, and so beat off a 40-gun ship that came to the attack. h. A 40-gun ship attacking the British vessels, which are trying to keep out of her war. In July 1782 another call for recruits to the king’s American dragoons was made, offering ten guineas to volunteers, five to any one who brought a recruit, and five to the recruit. For convenience of those who might come from the continent via Lloyd’s Neck, an officer was to be kept constantly stationed at that post. Prince William Henry, afterward King William IV., then aged 18, visited Lloyd’s Neck. One Sunday night early in October 1782 Lloyd’s Neck was left without a garrison. The British demolished their works, and removed the stores and garrison to New York. Onderdonk says a great variety of troops lay at Oyster Bay village during the war. De Lancy’s corps was the first. Fanning’s corps, in charge of Major Grant, lay here one summer. They were rude and ill- behaved. An old bake- house, now Storrs’s store, was used as a guard- house. The streets were garnished with sentry- boxes, to shelter the patrol, who paraded the streets after 9 o’clock at night, when no one was allowed to pass without the countersign. One evening a respectable young man, John Weeks, when challenged by the sentinel, instead of giving the countersign left the road and ran off across the fields. He was seized, tried, and sentenced to be whipped. He was accordingly tied to a locust tree in front of Townsend’s, but before he received the full measure of his punishment the cries of the youth and the frantic appeals of his mother and sister so wrought on the people that by their interference he was set at liberty. Tarleton’s British legion, under Major Cochran, also lay here and at Jericho, and were not distinguished for good conduct. The 3d battalion, under Lieutenant Colonel Hewlett, lay at Oyster Bay village from June to August after the peace. They left one Sunday morning, before day, to escape observation. It seemed quite a fixed custom for the British to move on Sunday. The soldiers were not billeted on the inhabitants, but took an entire building instead to themselves. They occupied the old Baptist meeting- house, and also the "New Light" meeting- house, which was removed by Simcoe from the back road. The Friends’ meeting- house was used as a commissary’s store, and had a guard constantly at the door. British troops were stationed in the woods, where the Reformed church now stands, at Locust Valley. The officers boarded at Townsend’s, at Matinecock, and when leaving presented Mrs. Letitia Townsend with a castor, candlesticks, and snuffers, which are still in use in Isaac Townsend’s residence The Hessian troops lay around Norwich, Jericho, and Cedar Swamp, coming there about the first of December 1778. Walter Franklin, of East Norwich, says he has been told that Letitia Wright, who married his grandfather Walter Franklin, in 1796, used to furnish amusement to the Hessians who were quartered in her father’s house by their rolling her down the Bennett hill, on the land now owned by Charles Downing. Onderdonk says: "They lay in Wolver Hollow two or three summers and one winter, and had tents under the hill by Andris Bogart’s, and took the sacrament in the Dutch church." The free battalion of Hesse Hannau, raised in January 1781, Colonel N. Von Janecke, lay at Oyster Bay one winter. Major Scheele died while here. They left May 28th 1883. They were an ill- favored set of little men; the gleanings of German recruits. They ripped the boards off the Episcopal church, to make berths and barracks. On one occasion a noisy crowd had gathered in the street, when the Hessians wantonly shot and killed Stephen Lobden, who came to the door to know what was the matter. A petition for redress was sent to New York, and an officer was sent to hear the complaint; but, fearing to incur the hatred of the Hessians, no one came forward. So nothing was done. During the day officers in groups were seen talking in an excited manner, and that night the glass in the windows of S. Wooden, one of the petitioners, was broken. On one occasion the Hessians were reported shooting among the sheep of John Kirk. Jonathan Haire loaded his gun and hastened to the field. Six sheep lay dead. He fired on the Hessians, when they left their booty. Haire was taken before Colonel Wurmb to answer for the offense; but he would make no excuse or apology, and not even agree not to repeat his conduct. He was dismissed with a slight reprimand. Wurmb’s headquarters were for a time at Wheatley. Onderdonk says: "Jacobus Monfort, hearing a noise in his cow-yard, fired in the dark, and wounded a Hessian baker in the neck. He was seized and carried before an officer, who at once dismissed him, saying, ‘If you had killed him I’d have given you a guinea.’" Silas Downing’s store, at B. Rushmore’s, Cedar Swamp, was forcibly entered by five soldiers from Jericho, with their faces painted. Fortunately he had recently carried all his money to New York, so they went off with very little of value. Governor Tryon was not willing to use British troops to protect inhabitants from depredations from the main shore, and directed, through Major Kissam, on Marchh 9th 1779, that the inhabitants bear their share of the expense, and muster all their militia for the purpose of protection. An order to muster all the militia the first week in April following, for a general review, was directed- to Captain Israel Youngs, Cold Spring; Jarvis Coles, Mosquito Cove; Daniel Youngs, Oyster Bay; Thomas Van Wyck, East Woods, and Abraham Van Wyck, Wolver Hollow. These companies of militia did quite efficient service, protecting the communities from whaleboatmen; yet the people suffered many robberies from the Hessians and British soldiers in disguise. To some hearts there were bright sides to the British occupation: Miss Sarah Townsend received a soul- stirring poetical valentine on Valentine day 1779, written and delivered by Lieutenant- Colonel J.G. Simcoe. Hannah Townsend, Sarah Luyster, Patty Remsen and widow Vashti Carr, or Kerr, all acquired husbands among the invaders.THE WHALEBOAT WARFARE
forms an interesting portion of the Revolutionary history of this town. The design of the United States in commissioning these boats was honorable. They were to cruise on the sound and along the shores of the island to capture small craft plying to and from New York, thus cutting off a considerable source of supply to the British there; to harass and capture those persons actually engaged in the service of the enemy, and to carry off important men from the island, who were to be exchanged for Americans who had been taken prisoners. Washington’s strict orders were that no kind of property should be taken from any person under pretense of its belonging to tories; but, through the greed of gain of the crews, this warfare degenerated in many cases to plundering expeditions against both friend and foe. Yet it must be conceded that these brave men rendered their country most valuable aid in the service for which they were commissioned. The accounts of their captures are numerous and fragmentary, but are necessary in order to furnish a full history of this town’s connection with that branch of warfare. One of the first reports of the capture of a boat plying between the ports of this town and New York was published in New Haven, December 14th 1778:- "‘Peggy’ and cargo, Darby Doyle master, navigated with forty men, under a commission of Val. Jones, to supply New York with fuel, forage, and provisions, was taken by Peter Griffing, captain of a company of rangers." December 22nd 1777 Game says: "Sunday night, 14th, the rebels landed at Cold Spring, and carried off two market boats loaded with flaxseed, wood, cider, &c., &c." About the same time the sloop "Dove," with cargo, was taken in Cold Spring Harbor by Thomas Sellew, in the armed sloop "Lucy." The "Flying Fish," of Rye, captured the "Industry," Captain Abraham Selleck, from Oyster Bay to New York, loaded with fifteen cords of wood, seventeen half-barrels of cider and vinegar, seven or eight bags of meal, and rigging and sails for another vessel. About 12 o’clock March 3d 1778 seven men, with arms, were discovered crossing Lloyd’s Neck, bending their course for the narrow beach that leads off the Neck. They were pursued and taken by a party of loyal refugees. They were the noted William S. Scudder and his gang, as appears from his confession. He says he quit Long Island in September of 1776. After going with several expeditions he went to Hog Island with a party to take Squire Smith, but missed of him and took a Quaker, and plundered the house of considerable value. He had been with all the expeditions which had come to the island, and was the man who, took Mr. Ireland. He had been on the east end of the island in the interest of General Parsons, and some time afterward was of the party who took two sloops out of Cold Spring Harbor. He was of the party that had lately come over to Long Island and burnt the three vessels cast away while coming from Rhode Island, and it was his design in coming over at present to collect what he could from the wrecks then burnt. They robbed Samuel Skidmore’s cider mill- house, and then attempted to go over to the other shore; but, the wind being contrary, and the day becoming extremely cold, freezing their fingers and feet, they had to make for the first land, which proved to be Lloyd’s Neck. The confession is dated March 3d 1778, and signed by William Smith Scudder, with Tyler Dibble, a refugee, and William Quarme, captain of the guard ship "Halifax," in Oyster Bay, as witnesses. The prisoners on Saturday afternoon March 7th were brought to New York in the boat of the "Halifax," and secured. General Putnam on the 22nd of December following wrote a letter to Governor Clinton concerning Scudder, in which he mentions that Scudder had a commission from Governor Clinton to cruise the sound in an armed boat against the enemies of the United States; but complained that he had violated the orders of the commander- in- chief, by seizing private property on Long Island. General Putnam adds that he knows nothing, personally, against Scudder, but has heard that he is a brave man, has suffered much, and done considerable service in the cause of his country. On a Monday evening in the latter part of April a party of loyal refugees were cutting wood on Lloyd’s Neck when they were attacked by two row galleys and an armed vessel, and carried prisoners, 18 in number, to Connecticut. A little later in the same month Tyler Dibble and 15 wood- cutters were carried from Lloyd’s Neck by a galley carrying a 12- pounder, and four whale- boats. The alarm reaching the man-of-war on that station, the boats were pursued, but without success. On the 5th of May a small boat, commanded by Captain Adamson, with six men and ten swivels, went into Oyster Bay and fell in with the tender of the British ship "Raven," which mounted eight swivels and had nine men armed. The boat, after discharging her swivels and small arms, boarded the tender, and carried her the next morning into Stamford. She had on board three hogsheads of rum, several casks of bread, beef and other articles for the ship, and some dry goods. Early in June the schooner "Wild Cat," of 14 swivels and 40 men, came from Connecticut to Oyster Bay and landed 14 of the crew, who shot some sheep at Oak Neck. This vessel is described as having a large number of oars, which enabled it at every calm to cross over and pillage the inhabitants of the island. A few days after this the "Wild Cat" and the "Raven’s" tender, with four whaleboats well manned, came to Lloyd’s Neck to harass the wood-cutters, when a number of boats from the British ship pursued them, capturing the "Wild Cat," and recapturing the "Raven’s " tender and a wood boat which had been taken when coming out of the harbor, together with some of the whaleboats, and thirty prisoners, killing two men, with no loss to the pursuers. About the first of September the scale of success was changed again, and Major Grey, of Colonel Meigs’s regiment, killed three tories on Lloyd’s Neck, and carried off fifteen. A privateer also carried off a sloop loaded with wood and provisions. A party consisting of James Ferris, a refugee from the island, Benjamin Howell, Nathaniel Sacket, of Bedford, Obadiah Valentine, and Patrick Stout, came over from Connecticut on Thursday evening, a week after this, and plundered the house of William Cock of goods to the amount of £140, obliging him and his family to carry the goods nearly two miles to the whaleboats. On Saturday following another party came over, in two boats, to Red Springs, near Mosquito Cove, and robbed the houses of Jacob Carpenter and John Weeks of a quantity of valuable effects, and then made off, but returned that evening and robbed two unfortunate weavers at Oak Neck. On the 9th of June following, Clark Cock, at Oyster Bay, was robbed of considerable cash, and goods to the value of over by another band from over the sound. The "True Blue," Captain Elderkin, captured the "Five Brothers," a schooner of 24 tons, with Abraham Cock master, nine miles west of Huntington Harbor, on the 3d of February 1779. A sloop of 45 tons, going to New York, the property of one Youngs, was captured on the 15th, four miles west of Oyster Bay, on the high seas. Simcoe’s Journal dated April 18th 1779 relates that a party of refugees, led by Captain Bonnel, with Captain Glover and Lieutenant Hubbell, furnished with arms, agreeable to Orders from headquarters went from Oyster Bay to take the generals Parsotis and Silliman from the opposite shore. They did not risk an attack on General Parsons, but brought Brigadier- General Silliman to Oyster Bay. He was sent next day to New York. About the first of September following, Captain Glover, who headed this party, was himself, with twelve others, with some plunder, carried off from Lloyd’s Neck by a whaleboat from Connecticut. On the 11th of the next month a continental armed schooner, commanded by T. White, captured the "Charming. Sally" and cargo in Oyster Bay. Justice Hewlett and Captain Israel Youngs were carried off in June by a party from Connecticut. A number of refugees soon after went over to Connecticut and returned with thirteen prisoners, four horses, and forty- eight cattle. Rivington’s Gazette tells us that on Monday night July 3d a party of rebels, supposed to be from Horse Neck, headed by one Benjamin Kirby, attacked the house of Abraham Walton, at Pembroke, Mosquito Cove, and took him, together with his silver plate, and Mrs. Walton’s money. They then proceeded to the neighbors, and took Dr. Brooks, Albert Coles and eight more loyalists, and carried all to Connecticut. In the latter part of July, at 2 o’clock on a Tuesday morning, John Townsend of Oyster Bay was carried off by a company of rebels, led by one Jonas Youngs. They also carried away most of the valuable articles in his house, besides partly demolishing the house itself. Arnold Fleet, a millwright, was carried off at the same time. The men, fearing the militia, several companies of whom were stationed near, hastened away, carrying their boats over the beach, and left their sentinel, a young man, on Mill Neck. He wandered about the neck until compelled by starvation to give himself up. On a Monday in October five vessels came into Oyster Bay and captured a guard brig pierced for 14 guns, with 10 mounted; also a sloop of six guns, commanded by Samuel Rogers, who had been taken and carried to Connecticut three times since the first of March preceding. Three other sloops, also a schooner from under the battery at Lloyd’s Neck, were taken and all safely conveyed into port on the Connecticut shore. Hon. Thomas Jones, justice of the supreme court of New York, a noted and, active loyalist previously noticed in this article, was much coveted by the Americans as an offset for General Silliman, whose capture has already been mentioned. An attempt was made for his capture and conveyance to Connecticut; the mode and results are recorded as follows: "Fishkill, December 9th ’79.- On the evening of November 4th about 25 volunteers, under Captains Hawley, Lockwood and Jones, and Lieutenants Jackson and Bishop, crossed the sound from Newfield [since Bridgeport] to Stony Brook, near Smithtown, and marched to the house of the Hon. Thomas Jones, justice of the supreme court of New York, at Fort Neck, where they arrived about 9 o’clock on the evening of the 6th, hiding in the woods by day. The whole distance was 52 miles. There was a ball in the house, and the noise of music and dancing prevented the approach of the adventurers being heard. Captain Hawley knocked at the door, and, receiving no answer, forced it, and found Judge Jones standing in the entry. He told him he was his prisoner, and immediately conducted him off, and a young man named Hewlett. A guard of soldiers was posted at a small distance from the road. When they came near the spot the judge hemmed very loud, but was forbidden to repeat it. He did, however, but on being further threatened desisted. An alarm arose, which obliged the men to retreat rapidly, traveling 30 miles the same evening, and to secrete themselves the next day, by which time the British light horse were near. The next evening they reached their boats, having taken two prisoners more, and arrived safe at Black Rock, Fairfield county, on the 8th, except six men in the rear, who were overtaken and captured by the light horse. Judge Jones was taken to Middletown, and in May 1780 was exchanged for General Sullivan, a prisoner at Flatbush. Mr. Hewlett was exchanged for the general’s son, one Washburn being thrown in as a make- weight. After the exchange the judge and general dined together." Judge Jones had been paroled in Connecticut as a prisoner of the United States just three years, to a day, before the date of the above article. "New Haven, Nov. 24 ’79.- Monday sen’nit two small privateers, of 4 guns each, commanded by Captains Lockwood and Johnson, ran into Oyster Bay under British colors, where were four wood vessels under protection of a large 8- gun brig, who asked the privateers, ‘Where from?’ and on being answered, ‘From New York,’ they were permitted to run alongside the brig unsuspected, and, boarding her, the crew were surprised into immediate surrender, without firing a gun, though manned with 20 stout fellows; on which the other vessels also submitted, and were brought out of port, destined for Norwalk or Stamford; but, on being pursued by some armed vessels from Huntington Harbor, the brig unluckily ran on a reef of rocks near Norwalk Harbor, and fell again into the enemy’s hands, who got her off and took her away. The other prizes got safe into port." This brig was a guardship in the mouth of Oyster Bay. The first ship, the "Halifax," under Captain Quarme, was after two years condemned; when he was succeeded by Captain Ryley, who became superannuated. Then came Captain Townsend, who had been for some time ashore sick at William Ludlam’s, in the house now occupied by Henry Ludlam on Hog Island. One day after he had begun to be able to walk about he invited Mr. Ludlam to walk to the other side of the island to look at his vessel, when, to their surprise and chagrin, they saw the privateers run alongside and capture the craft, which was the above mentioned brig. The British had been expecting their own fleet of privateers, so did not suspect the trick. Mr. Ludlam was always sorry for his friend. The "Lively," of 70 tons, was taken in Oyster Bay December 7th, with a cargo of salt. Rivington’s Gazelle, July 25th, says that two whaleboats, the "Association" and "Henry Clinton," crossed from Fort Franklin, on Lloyd’s Neck, to Norwalk, landed 38 men, and returned to the island to escape observation, but were to be back at a given hour. The party marched five miles from the shore, and remained hidden in the woods till 2 o’clock. Captain Frost surrounded the sanctuary where the people of Middlesex (now Darien) had assembled for prayer, and took fifty "notorious rebels, their reverend teacher at their head. Forty horses ready saddled were taken care of at the same time, and all safely brought to Long Island." Onderdonk adds: "They were all ironed, two and two, on the green in front of Wooden’s, Oyster Bay, and so marched to the provost." On the evening of November 24th 1781 Lieutenant J. Hull, of Colonel Fitch’s corps, came over the sound in a whaleboat, navigated by eight men, and landed near Hempstead Harbor, the entrance to which was guarded by an armed vessel. He left his boat with two men, and with the others marched to Mosquito Cove. Finding a canoe, and embarking, they boarded nine vessels which lay in the cove and made prisoners of sixteen men; not deeming it safe to try to take the vessels away, they were ransomed and the prisoners paroled. The whole party returned without the loss of a man. About the first of December a number of whaleboats came into Oyster Bay and unrigged Captain Sheddan’s boat at Ship Point, and carried off another, which was ransomed for £200. Rivington’s Gazette, under date of September 18th 1782, says: "As Captain Thomas, of the ‘Association;’ carrying ten 4- pounders and 30 men, was convoying a fleet of wood boats down the sound, they were attacked off Tinnicock by two gunboats and 11 whaleboats manned with 200 men, the largest boat having a brass six- pounder in her bow. Captain T. hid his men, housed his guns, and thus decoyed the boats within musket shot, when his men suddenly discharged their muskets, and canister shot from the four- pounders. A number fell, but they did not desist from their attack, but towed off detached vessels, as it was a calm. They were, however, all retaken after a combat of six hours. These pickaroon gentry greatly infest our coast." In the latter part of December the schooner "Peggy," John Envidito master, and her cargo of broadcloths, coating, linen and other goods were taken. On one occasion the whaleboat men found a vessel aground at Cold Spring, They attempted to get her off, but failed. Threats of burning caused the vessel to be ransomed. The whaleboat men robbed the store of one Youngs at East Woods, and hid the plunder in the bushes near the shore, in order to remove it at a more suitable time; but, the goods being discovered, they were prevented. Nicholas Wright’s store was robbed. Justice Smith, of Hog Island, was robbed of silks, etc., and William Ludlam, a tailor who lived with him, was robbed of a great many suits of clothes which he was making up for his customers. Sarah Wright, at Cove Neck, was robbed, among other things, of a silver milk pot, which was carried to Stamford. Seth Wood’s store at East Woods was also robbed. The house of John Willets, at Cedar Swamps, was broken open, his hands were tied, every threat was used, and his house was even set on fire, to make him give up his money, but in vain.OYSTERS AND CLAMS.
Oyster Bay, as its name implies, has long been famed for the quantity and excellence of its oysters. Long before the advent of the first white settlers the Indians, as would be inferred from the mounds of clam and oyster shells still to be found, depended upon these two bivalves for a great part of their subsistence, and also to furnish material for making Indian money for themselves and the tribes round about. The oyster beds were natural to the harbor; and it was not until the commencement of the nineteenth century that the townspeople began to plant artificial beds; it is to these, with hard and soft clams, that the inhabitants of Oyster Bay village and its vicinity owe much of their financial prosperity. At first there were attempts made by the town to prevent the planters from claiming their beds as individual property. This the planters resisted; and, after several suits, established their rights to such beds as private property. No planter, however, can plant oysters either on natural beds or within wading distance of the shore. The following, copied from the town records, shows that the beds were held as common town property: "Whereas many people, not inhabitants of the town, have frequently come into the town and taken and carried away the oysters from off the oyster beds lying within the township, to the damage of the inhabitants thereof, at a special town meeting held at the house of Benjamin Cheshire, the 12th day of October 1784, called at the request of the respectable inhabitants of said town in order to prevent the taking and carrying away the oysters by strangers and to preserve them for the use of the inhabitants, it was ordered: 1st. That no person not an inhabitant of this town shall be allowed to take or carry away any of the oysters from off the oyster beds lying in the town, on penalty of five pounds, to be recovered by the persons hereafter named and to be paid to the overseers of the poor, for the use of the poor of the said town, on conviction of the aforesaid offense. 2nd. That no person an inhabitant of this town shall be allowed to take and sell any of the oysters from off the oyster beds lying in this town, to any person not an inhabitant of this town, on the penalty of twenty shillings on being convicted thereof, and to be applied as aforesaid. 3d. That Samuel Youngs, Esq., James Farley and Amaziah Wheeler, or the majority of them, be authorized to prosecute any of the offenders of the aforesaid order, and, it requisite, to take counsel therein at the expense of the town." These resolutions did not give satisfaction, for after the next town meeting, in 1785, appears the following: "It was voted that the town order of a special town meeting held in Oyster Bay Octr. 12th 1784, respecting the oysters, be no longer in force." In 1801 we find the following: "Voted that no oysters be caught in the harbor of Oyster Bay with rakes or tongs from the 1st day of May next to the 1st day of September following, under the penalty of five pounds for each and every offense, to be recovered by the supervisor, according to law; and that William Townsend, miller, Joshua Hammond and Thos. Smith be appointed to inspect in the aforesaid regulations, and report the transgressors to the supervisors, whose duty it shall be to proceed against the same." The oyster beds appear to have been considered town property till 1807, when the first permission was granted to private individuals to plant oysters and own the beds as private property, as follows: "Robert Feeks to have liberty, and the town to grant him the space of ten square rods under water, in some convenient place in the Gutt, for the purpose of making an oyster bed where no valuable bed has been known." After this date the inhabitants commenced to plant oyster beds and claim them as private property. The town attempted to dispute the ownership; but in a test suit the town was defeated, and since then any inhabitant exercises the right to plant oysters in any part of the harbor not previously planted. Among those first to plant were James Callwell, Ezra Miner, Isaac Smith and Alexander Sammis. The regulations for some years as to the disposal or sale of oysters, clams, eels, etc., were very stringent, as is seen from the following: "Voted that no person whatever, during the present year, sell or convey out this town, to be carried out by boats employed for that purpose, any oysters, clams or eels, under the penalty of twelve dollars and fifty cents for every offense; to be recovered as the other forfeitures are recovered, the one equal half to the complainer and the other half to the overseer of the poor." There seems not to have been any set time of the year appointed for taking oysters out of their beds till 1813, as the following shows: "Ordered that no person rake any oysters in the harbor of Oyster Bay from the 6th day of April to the first day of November, under the penalty of twelve dollars and fifty cents." The following extracts from the town records, from 1816 to 1880, show the resolutions passed for the regulation of the oyster production during those years: 1816: "Voted that no person not an inhabitant of the town of Oyster Bay shall be allowed to take, or employ another to take, oysters in the creeks or harbor of Oyster Bay, under the penalty of twelve dollars and fifty cents. 2nd. That no persons be allowed to rake oysters in the creeks or harbor of Oyster Bay but in the months of December, January and February, under the penalty above mentioned." These two resolutions were confirmed at a meeting held later in the year, and were again passed in 1819 and 1820; but, in addition, included the same penalty for carrying away clams or selling them. In 1825, at a special town meeting, regulation oyster papers were issued, to allow only the freeholders and inhabitants of Oyster Bay to oyster on the east side of a straight line from Plum Point to Cooper’s Bluff. This took in all Cold Spring Harbor. 1833: "Resolved, that no person from any other town shall be permitted to dig clams or take oysters out of the town." 1836: "Voted that no person be permitted to plant oysters in the waters of Oyster Bay Harbor. Voted that license for planting oysters be put at thirty dollars. 1839: "Voted that the people of the town shall enjoy the privilege of clamming, fishing and oystering below high water mark on all the shores and waters of the town, and defend the same." This is signed by John D. Feeks William H. Jones and Thomas D. Montfort, justices, and A. Bogart, town clerk. 1843: "Resolved that we will defend the rights of the town to the exclusive ownership of the oysters in Oyster Bay." 1847: "That the oysters in the bay or waters of the town be free to all of the inhabitants of the said town the ensuing year." This order was bitterly opposed by those who had planted oyster beds. This opposition led to a lawsuit, in which the town was again defeated. From 1847 to 1870 the rules do not appear to have been changed. In the latter year it was "resolved that no person be allowed to plant or bed oysters in any of the waters of the town of Oyster Bay or any of the shores of said town where oysters and clams grow naturally, and where persons can wade in the water and clam and oyster at low tide, under a penalty of twelve dollars and fifty cents for each and every offense of twenty - four hours so trespassing." This resolution was again passed in 1880, excluding the waters of South Oyster Bay. The town at different times voted to permit dredging with sailboats in the waters of the bay, but these permits have been withdrawn on several occasions. In 1875 the following resolution was passed, and it was repeated each year thereafter: "Resolved that, for the purpose of killing the sea stars which infest and injure the oysters, all persons are allowed to dredge oysters with sailboats or otherwise; and that any resolution heretofore passed prohibiting the dredging of oysters under sail be and the same is hereby repealed." Within late years the oyster trade has grown to large proportions, employing many sloops. A market is found principally in New York. Some of the oystermen, among them Daniel Smith, of Cove Neck, have as many as four or six sloops in the trade. Mr. Smith has shipped from $15,000 to $30,000 worth of oysters per year, and in 1880 planted 6,700 bushels of them. It is estimated that there could not have been far short of 200,000 bushels planted in the bay the same year. Most of the seed is obtained from the Connecticut shore. There is a growing shipping business to England; the buyers coming direct from there to the Bay to purchase, choosing the second class or smaller oysters for that purpose.AGRICULTURE.
Prominent mention is made of apple trees and nurseries as early as 1669 and 1670. Several leases of land are found. The following, seventeen years after settlement, is perhaps the most suggestive: "Oyster Bay, the first month, the 20th day, 1670. "This is an agreement made between me and Thomas Youngs jr. and Richard Youngs, his brother. First they are to have the free use of my team, cart and plow, with the iron chains, with all things thereto belonging; and they are to stub and break up and manure all the land now within fence that is fit for it; and they are to look well and carefully after all my creatures; and they are to have for their team and plow two thirds of the increase of all the land manured that I own there. And they are to have two thirds of the fruit, and I reserve one or two barrels for John Youngs; and so every year following as they enjoy it. Then for the sheep: there are thirty, and they are to deliver thirty pounds of wool per year, that is one pound for one sheep; and there are nine lambs, and at the end of three years and a half they are to deliver me thirty sheep and nine lambs. Now for the cattle: we are to have half the milk and one third of the increase, and they two thirds, and they are to find or provide me a beast to ride on when I please; and they are to provide me wood to burn, what is needful. Four cows, one two- year- old heifer, one two-year-old bull, four yearlings. And the principals engage to me to make good at the term and time of three years and a half of all these creatures; they do also engage to sow so many acres of wheat and rye on the ground as there is now, at the end of three years and a half, and to leave all my goods and carts and plows, and them with all things else that they receive of me, as good as they are now (two broad chisels, two narrow chisels, one saw, two adze, compasses, one inch- and - a- half auger, three lesser augers and bungborer, one pruner bit, one mattock, two forks, three pair of new traces and one old pair, two new collars, two old collars, one pair of cart traces with iron hooks, with a new collar, one cross-cut saw, one new file, a beetle, three wedges, one saw-set, two great devises with the bolts, two lesser devises with the bolts). And they are to tan my hides for one third. And they are to leave all my farm and tools in as good order and repair as they are now, with all things else, with six bushels of oats, two bushels and half peas, two bushels of barley, one bushel and half of flaxseed. "As witness our hand and seal the manner as within. "THOMAS YOUNGS senior." The following from Game’s Mercury throws light on the state of agriculture: "December 18th 1768 the New York Society for Promoting Arts adjudged a premium of £10 to Thomas Youngs, of Oyster Bay, for the largest nursery of apple trees. It contains twenty- seven thousand one hundred and twenty- three trees." In tracing the agricultural history of Oyster Bay the important fact must be admitted that the virgin soil on which the pioneers by’ their crude endeavors first experimented was by no means rich, in comparison with central New York, or even the river counties, not to mention the rich western prairies which the present century has brought so prominently to the notice of the world. The newly cleared lands gave only a medium return. The natural accumulation of vegetable deposit, unsupplemented by other necessary ingredients requisite to a rich soil, soon became exhausted by repeated cropping of potatoes, rye, wheat, flax, buckwheat and corn, the first staples grown for present food necessities and articles of barter for imported products. The soil, a sandy loam with sand predominating, inducing quick and rapid growth, plant roots readily penetrating surface and sub- soil soon absorbed the store of plant- food. Thus manure was quickly brought into prominent notice. The natural growth of coarse, unnutritious grass on the woodless plain composing the center of the town and on the salt meadows of the South Bay furnished forage for the stock of the first settlers. After clearings were made, fields in proximity to the homestead were mulched and manured by cattle feeding in winter, and made to produce a luxuriant growth of the short natural grasses- blue grass (not Kentucky), secretary red-top and many others, which were mown for the winter supply of hay. As a consequence of increased feed the stock of cattle and swine was increased, as through these, in the form of beef and pork, the only available market could be reached. For all purposes incident to clearing new land horses were in demand, and an increase in the stock was early manifested, and has continued, a legitimate and lucrative business, intelligently pursued, as the present ra